UNA CU NATURA
The story of the Assassination Attempt at Râul Alb is concrete testimony of how the mafia system operates in Romania. It's a story with people you could meet on the street, but who, at some point, choose to follow orders, out of interest, obedience, or cowardice. Each in their role contributes with a small abuse, almost imperceptible, until the sum of all of them completely distorts reality. The case once again triggered waves of outrage and revolt on the show Sinteza Zilei with Mihai Gâdea, on March 29, 2023, on Antena 3. “Such situations, like blocking certain investments, are in fact an attack on national security. In our country, the justice system doesn't function in a way that follows this thread and sees how many of these are attacks on national security,” said Răzvan Dumitrescu.(video 1.1).
In the Romanian Waters Law, no. 107/1996, article 29 (1), it is stated without doubt that: “The works for the development of river basins or other hydrotechnical works promoted by the National Administration ‘Apele Române’ are of public utility and national interest.” In my case, the “target” was of an economic nature: the takeover by any means of the energy potential of the Râul Alb. The people of the system acted to remove us using all instruments of lynching, and as a mode of operation, even murder was not excluded. On May 24, 2015, a group of “activists” invaded my property, and one of them intentionally ran me over with an off-road vehicle, then fled the scene. I was agonizing between life and death when the Prime Minister of Romania, Victor Ponta, intervened in defense of my executioners through a press release that had the effect of a “UNIT ORDER OF THE DAY.” I was presented as “collateral damage” and an accomplice to the attempted murder committed against me. In parallel with the fabrication of evidence in the murder investigation, the DNA (National Anticorruption Directorate) entered the scene with several publicized raids, true masquerades with masked officers. The proven goal of the Anticorruption raids was to eliminate us morally as well. (article 1).
The protection of the real culprits continued for eight years through politicians, officials, police officers, prosecutors, and judges. Not for a moment during all these years did I give up the belief that I would prevail, even though, following the attempted murder with particularly severe consequences, I was left paralyzed from the neck down and caught in an unequal fight with the structures of a “mafia state.”
A textbook lynching
The attack was carried out against the backdrop of several actions committed through agents of influence flying the ecological flag, who – starting in the summer of 2014 – systematically defamed, provoked, and harassed us with the goal of blocking the investments we had initiated in the two micro-hydropower plants on the Râul Alb, in Hunedoara County. The lynching was (and still is) organized under the cover of environmental NGOs to create the false impression that they are defending the interests of civil society. The actions of the false environmentalists were clearly unfounded, considering that the investments do not have a negative impact on the environment. This fact is confirmed by all the approvals from the competent institutions at the time (2014) and reconfirmed in 2019 by the Ministry of the Environment, which approved the new General Urban Plan (PUG) of the Sălaşu de Sus commune, where it is clearly shown that our projects are included in the sustainable development zone of the locality. Despite this, the “eco” agents continue to oppose our works by all means, while similar constructions can be made by anyone else in the area. The Râul Alb attack was organized following the typical pattern of those years, when interest groups acted “in cascade” to eliminate political and economic opponents. To achieve their goals and cover up the acts that led to the attempted murder, members of this group acted by the book. (doc.1)
They sabotaged state institutions with false complaints to stop our investments; they subjected us to a media assault of defamation in publications they control and on social media; they repeatedly came to the construction site and along the investment route, where they provoked us into violence; they filmed their raids with the clear intention of discrediting us; they harassed us in order to make us give up the project. After the attempted murder, investigative bodies stepped in to clean up after the agents of influence, using disinformation, fabricated evidence, and delays in the criminal investigation.
Six years of delays at the Prosecutor’s Office
In 2015, the year I was the target of the attempted murder, hundreds of illegal actions were taking place in the criminal case files. The gathering of evidence was largely based on illegal Protocols. Several secret, suspicious protocols were concluded between the SRI, the General Prosecutor’s Office, and these Environmental NGOs, which ensured a certain level of protection for the false environmentalists. This explains the rush with which the attempted murder case was moved to the General Prosecutor’s Office, even though normally the crime would have fallen under the jurisdiction of the Hunedoara Tribunal.
Prosecutors at the General Prosecutor’s Office delayed the indictment of the accused, Andrioni Alin Constantin, for over six years, even though a swift investigation was required, considering that we are dealing with a violent act with severe consequences. The criminal investigation was conducted “IN REM,” meaning for the act, even though the perpetrator was known from the moment the attempted murder was committed. Any Romanian understands they were waiting for me to die in order to close the case with “The dead man is to blame.” Protecting the perpetrator became a priority only because I was “stubborn” enough to survive and expose the cover-up of the crime. Only after three and a half years, on November 14, 2018, following the complaints I filed with the judge of rights and liberties, did the case prosecutor issue the order to initiate criminal proceedings against Andrioni Alin, for the crime of attempted murder. This delayed decision was “softened” with concessions toward the offender. Prosecutors granted him mitigating circumstances, claiming he had committed the act “by exceeding the limits of self-defense,” even though it is evident the act was committed intentionally and “in cold blood,” as one of the prosecutors put it. All the way to the final court, the judges sought to downplay the criminal act and assign part of the blame to me. The trial prosecutors were the most effective lawyers for the accused, and the trial judge from the Hunedoara Tribunal sentenced him to work 60 days in a library for a crime against life.
I began writing this story with the hope that you would concretely understand, with evidence, how the “system” works. When one of the most well-informed people in Romania speaks of the “mafia state” without presenting evidence, he is, in fact, hiding the real culprits in plain sight, suggesting that the entire state apparatus is corrupt, incompetent, or subservient. In reality, not all are like that. Usually, in public debates, the “system” is defined as an occult, abstract, and impersonal organization. Very convenient. In this way, the public is given a “something” to direct their anger at, while the interest groups that have taken control of Romania remain protected in anonymity. In reality, the “system” operates through concrete individuals, puppets placed at the head of institutions who follow orders, and influence agents hired to carry out objectives.
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In my case, it took eight years for the file to reach the Alba Iulia Court of Appeal, where the judges ultimately restored the truth. The perpetrator of the Râul Alb attack was sentenced to six years in prison for attempted murder with particularly severe consequences. The sentence was handed down two months before the statute of limitations would have expired, but the perpetrator is now wanted on a national warrant. The fabricated evidence intended to shift the blame onto me failed the final test. Gangs built on dirty schemes are not unbeatable.
In the upcoming materials, you will see that the actions of the “eco” activists were continued and supported by lackeys paid with public funds—politicians, officials, police officers, prosecutors, and obedient judges. This time, the victim was me. But on another day, someday, it could be you—dear reader!—or someone you love, for whom you would be willing to make any sacrifice. By then it will be too late to revolt against the “small abuses” you once passed by indifferently. Then you will probably understand that the success of the oppressive system relied on your silence.
Notes:
1 The Night of Romanian Justice 2005–2020, by Ion Popa, Universul Juridic Publishing House, 2020
2 The Night of Romanian Justice 2005–2020 – Defamation/Demonization/Social Marginalization of the Target: All components of the Project contributed to the successful implementation of this high-impact stage through actions and means specific to each component: the prosecutor’s office (...) especially through selective leaks of non-public information from the investigation to the press, websites, NGOs, and parts of the Project; propaganda and public manipulation outlets (the press, websites, civic associations and foundations, online commenters), through quantitatively massive, aggressive, vulgar, and threatening campaigns targeting the subject, specially designed for each societal segment where the audience was already established; street pressure groups, through specific means of physical intimidation (shoving, hitting, insults, vandalizing the subject’s home or the institution where they worked). (...) This entire concerted effort of defamation/demonization of the target had several objectives: creating a public perception of the target as “corrupt” or “criminal,” which implicitly extended to their entire entourage; creating a positive image of those “fighting the corrupt” and their circle; generating rejection of the corrupt individual within their political, economic, or private group, for fear of reprisals; creating a general fear within the target’s group that the operation could be repeated against any of them at any time (p. 104).
