UNA CU NATURA
Those who know me are aware that I’ve always been an active person. In the village, they used to call me “The Wanderer” because I would take advantage of every day spent in Coroiești to walk along the Râul Alb valley. It’s true that I would take Ursulică with me—back then, just a few months old, a playful little pup.
Only those who “love nature from behind a keyboard” could imagine that me walking my dog equated to “guarding the valley with dogs in mafia style.”
When I chose to invest in the Râul Alb valley, it was because of the beauty of the place—I had decided I wanted to spend the rest of my life there. I started the Râul Alb projects thinking they would be my greatest achievement as an entrepreneur, for which I invested all my family’s resources and took out loans from banks. I had been working on these projects for several years, during which I explored every path, bought land, and prepared the location where I intended to live.
At the end of 2014, I halted construction of the micro-hydropower plants, even though all permits and approvals had been legally obtained (doc.1).
I hoped the scandal would cease, and that we could all wait for the resolution of the (baseless) complaints.
I was wrong to think I was part of an honest debate. I now realize the complainants were never interested in protecting Râul Alb. Their goal from the beginning was to get us out of the area by any means, using scandal as a weapon.
That’s why they continued to hunt us down with the same ferocity, despite having clear evidence that construction had stopped.
By spring 2015, Luca Sălășan, a member of the local division of #provocateurs, had visited Râul Alb 7–8 times, reporting to the rest of the group that work on the MHCs had ceased.
Alin Andrioni had also been on-site 3–4 months prior to the attempted murder, and was fully aware of the situation.
On March 28, 2015, Goțiu Mihai visited Coroiești with Alin Andrioni, Dacian Munteanu, Florin Delinescu, and Laura Vesa.
All of them witnessed firsthand that construction was halted. Their own photos from that day prove it.
And yet, they continued to publish emotional but false articles about the Râul Alb micro-hydropower plants.
Despite clear evidence, media lynching and harassment continued.
In spring 2015, I began building a “residential and office space” in Coroiești's urban area, unrelated to the Râul Alb riverbed.
This construction was not subject to environmental evaluation, as it was within urban zoning, confirmed in the Zonal Urban Plan (PUZ).
In the photos published by Mihai Goțiu, it clearly states on the public information panel: “Residential and office building.”
Still, the propaganda machine continued to spread disinformation, claiming I was building an MHC.
The project had a building permit, no. 6/23.09.2014 (doc.2), issued by Sălașu de Sus City Hall.
APM Hunedoara communicated through letter no. 7406/AAA/18.09.2014 that
“The residential and office building is not subject to environmental impact assessment or appropriate evaluation” (doc.3).
On Sunday, April 19, 2015, while returning from a walk with my wife, we came across an SUV on our company’s property (at Banea), with three men inside: Dacian Munteanu, Florin Delinescu, and Alexandru Costina.
They were filming materials stored at the construction site—the very site where the attempted murder would later occur.
I introduced myself as the company administrator and offered to answer any questions.
They said they wanted to go upstream along the MHC route, so I asked for permission to join them and explain everything.
We drove together about 3 km upstream.
My wife continued walking back to the village while I joined the three men in their car.
At the “La Cheia” area, Dacian Munteanu—president of the NGO SENS (Society for Nonformal and Social Education)—pulled from the trunk a permit (no. 17/2013) issued by the Dinosaur Geopark Administration for our MHC project.
That’s when he said:
“This project will not happen.”
The permit had been issued at the request of APM Hunedoara.
I didn’t have it—I didn’t even know it existed.
It felt wrong that a “third party,” not involved in the project, had access to such a document.
When I asked how he obtained it, he gave no answer.
At that time, Munteanu was closely connected (perhaps embedded) within the Geopark administration.
The fact that he had access to documents and information before us, combined with his certainty that the project would fail, showed he was much more than a regular NGO activist.
The conversation was civil. After about 30 minutes, I invited them to continue filming further up the valley—across our company’s land.
Surprisingly, they refused and turned back.
It was clear—they were not interested in a real documentary.
They wanted emotional footage to manipulate and use against us, just like during previous visits.
As we left, I asked them to drop me off in Coroiești, and we parted amicably.
Three years later, Călin Dejeu, with Munteanu’s help, fabricated evidence, claiming we had a conflict that day—but that lie was disproven by the accounts of others present.
It’s clear that the three visitors on April 19, 2015 were in direct contact with Alin Andrioni, Călin Dejeu, Mihai Goțiu, and other members of the “eco” group.
In other words, the attempted murder on May 24, 2015, was not the result of a spontaneous conflict, but rather the consequence of a long chain of incursions and harassment.
In the images, you can see the three men in the SUV:
Dacian Munteanu is in the back seat, and in the Geopark group photo, he’s the one with a beard.
Alexandru Costina is the front passenger, and in the Geopark photo, he's holding a child.
Florin Delinescu is the driver, the one wearing a blue cap in the group photo (doc.4).
The photos reveal close ties between Munteanu and the Geopark administration.
This explains how he had access to permit no. 17/2013, which I, as project owner, had never seen.
Florin Delinescu also appears in photos taken on March 28, 2015, when he visited the project site with Mihai Goțiu (article 1).
He is the former curator of the Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa Museum, and was convicted for trafficking Dacian gold artifacts, sold on the international black market (article 2).
