UNA CU NATURA
Is it normal and legal to receive funding from the government through the Ministry of European Funds while simultaneously blocking projects and investments classified by law as being of public utility and national interest? What hidden interests lie behind these campaigns?
These were the very questions raised in 2015 by the director of APM Hunedoara, shortly after actions began to block the Râul Alb projects (video 3.1).
According to EU policies, the Romanian Government allocated substantial sums through the Ministry of European Funds for renewable energy projects. At the same time, equally significant funding from the same budget was given to Environmental NGOs to promote new EU environmental policies.
This led to a situation where some Environmental NGOs began managing large amounts of public money, yet their actions often showed bad faith, operating only where they had personal or political interests, not environmental concerns.
Micro-hydropower plants (MHCs) clearly fall under the category of alternative energy, and such projects were funded through the Ministry of European Funds. The same ministry also funded environmental NGOs to promote noble European ideals—however, in the case of the Râul Alb investments, it became clear that activists diverted their efforts into campaigns to block our projects.
This is a case of public money being diverted into campaigns of defamation and character assassination, with the clear goal of eliminating a competitor from the market.
For instance:
The Efectul Fluture Association received €36,999 on April 1, 2015, through the Ministry of European Funds from EEA Grants, to set up the “declic.ro” website—a platform that spread massive misinformation regarding the MHCs on Râul Alb.
Similarly, the Agent Green Association received €110,302 on March 1, 2015, also from EEA Grants through the Ministry of European Funds.
These two NGOs were directly involved in the scandal that led to the attempted murder on May 24, 2015 at Râul Alb.
What's curious is that the revenues of these two associations increased nearly tenfold after they launched their campaign against us.
A simple check of financial statements on the Ministry of Public Finance website (mfinante.ro) reveals:
CUI: 25862117
President: Roxana Pencea Brădățan
Founding Members: Călin Dejeu, Tudor Brădățan, and Luminița Dejeu (doc.1)
| Year | Revenue | Expenses | Result | Employees |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2012 | 49,111 | 29,642 | 19,469 | 0 |
| 2013 | 49,270 | 24,981 | 24,289 | 2 |
| 2014 | 13,741 | 31,299 | -17,558 | 2 |
| 2015 | 266,549 | 175,640 | 90,909 | 3 |
| 2016 | 377,582 | 332,951 | 44,631 | 5 |
| 2017 | 788,520 | 507,269 | 281,251 | 5 |
| 2018 | 1,529,275 | 1,102,321 | 420,954 | 6 |
| 2019 | 2,716,878 | 2,013,487 | 703,391 | 9 |
| 2020 | 3,659,045 | 2,834,102 | 824,943 | 11 |
CUI: 25261826
President: Gabriel Păun (doc.2)
| Year | Revenue | Expenses | Result | Employees |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2012 | 45,061 | 45,061 | 0 | 1 |
| 2013 | 30,783 | 30,783 | 0 | 1 |
| 2014 | 163,865 | 163,865 | 0 | 4 |
| 2015 | 392,082 | 393,337 | -1,255 | 4 |
| 2016 | 788,781 | 591,080 | 197,701 | 4 |
| 2017 | 737,091 | 598,299 | 138,792 | 6 |
| 2018 | 1,004,457 | 855,069 | 149,388 | 5 |
| 2019 | 1,724,436 | 1,109,870 | 614,566 | 3 |
| 2020 | 2,010,218 | 1,386,106 | 624,112 | 4 |
The numbers speak for themselves. And yet the “coincidences” don’t stop there.
The repeated lie that these NGOs are funded by global billionaires is contradicted by the facts. Their funding came year after year from public grants, as shown by official income reports published by the Ministry of Finance.
In 2015, both Agent Green and Efectul Fluture were funded by the Ministry of European Funds through Norwegian EEA Grants, RO09 section.
Meanwhile, Călin Dejeu was employed at the Ministry of European Funds, while also being a founding member of Efectul Fluture—an NGO funded at that time by the very ministry he worked for. In legal terms, this implies a possible conflict of interest.
Moreover, Dejeu’s asset declarations show that in 2015, he deposited his entire income into the bank, without spending a single penny. Under normal circumstances, deposits should not match declared income exactly, as there should be living expenses throughout the year. This indicates that Dejeu may have had undeclared income likely coming from activities under the Declic NGO umbrella (doc.3).
Since 2010, a large portion of public funds was allocated to projects generating renewable energy, including hydropower. So far, so good. But then came subjective decision-making, with certain individuals redirecting funds to interest groups and political clientele.
A typical case of Romanian corruption involves the “Râul Mic Hydropower Development Project,” in Cugir, Alba County. Contrary to procedures, the funding request was approved long after the plants were already built. The applicant was a Cluj-based firm, with some shareholders hidden behind a company registered in Cyprus—a classic example of public money circulating through secretive loops.
Also involved in this scandal was Space Group from Cluj-Napoca, a firm where Toth Szilard Kristian, a former schoolmate of “activist” Călin Dejeu, is a partner. The press covered the case, but Cluj-based #influencers didn’t protest the exploitation of Râul Mic or Râul Bărișor, nor did they react to the public funds handed out with favoritism.
In March 2015, Dejeu’s schoolmate and his business partner, Feur Tudor Simion, from Space Group, came to me proposing to buy our MHC project on Râul Alb. I refused. Immediately afterward, Dejeu’s activist gang ramped up their media and public harassment campaign against us.
So, MHCs built under shady conditions with public money drew no protests from Cluj activists, but our legally-compliant, bank-financed private investment was violently targeted.
The Romanian hydropower energy market is, in fact, an extremely exclusive club, accessible only to those protected by the system.
As shown in previous episodes, certain so-called environmental NGOs conducted aggressive disinformation campaigns, using platforms such as romaniacurata.ro and declic.ro.
Behind these media lynchings were individuals like:
Mihai Goțiu
Călin Dejeu
Gabriel Păun
Roxana Pencea Brădățan
Luminița Dejeu
—all activists affiliated with the #REZIST movement, substantially funded through NGOs such as Efectul Fluture, Agent Green, Coaliția Natură 2000, SENS, and the Romanian Academic Society.
Documents also show that Dejeu, Pencea Brădățan, Brădățan Tudor, and Luminița Dejeu are founding members of Efectul Fluture and long-time friends with Mihai Goțiu, with whom they participated in several protests, including Roșia Montană.
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Behind the scenes of so-called environmental activism lie interests and money—mainly from grants and questionable sponsorships. Everyone can see that funding for certain NGOs is not transparent. To hide the origin of the money, they use circular schemes.
Donations represent a tiny fraction. If we talk about the large amounts from sponsors, it's hard to believe they come without a specific purpose. These suspicious funds likely originate from public funds laundered through "state deals", especially since the real sponsors remain hidden.
If you want to know who sponsors these environmental mercenaries, just follow the money—follow who benefits from this pathological environmentalism, which has spread like a plague in our country.
